When we think of "propaganda," we usually don't think of Hollywood movies glamorizing war and the military, or of embedded war reporters with their "human interest" stories about the brave troops, or about military recruiting on campus (recruiters, posters, assemblies, "Job Fairs"), or the White House Office of Communication, or the Pentagon Office of Information, or the .net URL of the Digital Video and Imagery Distribution.

People who say "That's not propaganda" make the same error as those who say "advertising doesn't affect me"-- they limit persuasion to blunt, direct statements instead of recognizing the many subtle, indirect techniques used by all persuaders.

"PROPAGANDA" is often used simply as a general attack word to label any claims or charges from opponents, rivals, or critics. Here, however, two terms are used with specific meanings:

"War propaganda,"
as the term is here, refers to persuasion targeted at an internal audience: to bond one's own group, to build morale (a belief in "being right" and in "being able"), to get people to agree, to get involved, to incite a response, to channel that response, and to silence internal opposition. (See: War Propaganda )

"Psychological warfare," as used here, refers to persuasion designed to demoralize or terrorize an external audience: targeted at the "Other" (the outsider, the foe, the enemy) often by means of leaflet drops, radio and TV broadcasts, and rumors.


Hollywood & War Movies
David Robb, Operation Hollywood (2004) is the most recent and detailed documentation (with official correspondence, photocopied documents, script notes, and interviews) of how the Pentagon film "liaison" office exerts great influence on the images of the military as seen in American movies during the past 50 years.

Movie-makers are certainly free to make films without Pentagon approval, but they do need approval if they want to get any military cooperation: that is, the free or low cost use of any troops, weapons, planes, ships, location settings. Pentagon approval requires that a movie "enhances recruiting and retention" of military personnel. If movie producers don't want to submit to the Pentagon approval process, then "they can either make their own props, or they can rent very expensive military-style weapons and equipment from a handful of Hollywood prop houses."

Realistically, this may increase the production cost by millions of dollars, so most movie producers are willing to save money and to let the Pentagon's "Technical Advisors" have script approval --primarily a matter of omission -- deleting from the script, or editing out any scenes, characters, dialogue, or language which does not "create a positive impression of the military and its capabilities." Robb's book documents this "script approval process" in scores of actual movies, but there's no way to estimate the amount of prior self-censorship involved by Hollywood writers who knew that some concepts would not be approved.

See also: Lawrence Suid, Guts and Glory (2002) Amazon Book Description: "Guts and Glory: The Making of the American Military Image in Film is the definitive study of the symbiotic relationship between the film industry and the United States armed services. Since the first edition was published nearly two decades ago, the nation has experienced several wars, both on the battlefield and in movie theaters and living rooms at home. Now author Lawrence Suid has extensively revised and expanded his classic history of the mutual exploitation of the film industry and the military, exploring how Hollywood has reflected and effected changes in America’s image of its armed services."

Jeanine Basinger, The World War II Combat Film (1986, 2003 ed.) a major academic study analyzing the patterns and the conventions within over 1,000 films about WW2. (Most people can recognize the overt bluntness of such films produced during wartime, romanticizing the warriors, as part of a homefront morale building effort. But, post-1950s Pentagon influence has been more indirect and subtle, and few in the audience are aware of the systematic process of Pentagon approval.)

This Pentagon concern for controlling "image" still remains a high priority: for example, the 2004 documentary film "Control Room"-- about the inner operations and reporting of Al Jazeera Arab TV ("A military spokesman is silenced after candid comments in a movie on Al Jazeera and Iraq war"):"Lt. Josh Rushing, a Central Command spokesman assigned to escort the documentary makers during their time in Qatar, is among the film's most sympathetic characters, portrayed as a thoughtful young man moved over time by the grim reality of war. At no point is he shown doubting the justness of the U.S. effort in Iraq, yet the film documents a budding friendship between Rushing and Al Jazeera reporter Hassan Ibrahim, and moments on camera when Rushing is wrestling with the film's central themes: war, bias and the Arab world's most powerful media outlet.... "

Concurrently, in a situation of "plausible deniability," the military's film distribution system denied it was "stonewalling" and said its refusal to distribute Michael Moore's controversial documentary, Fahrenheit 411, at theaters within military bases was due to "business reasons."


Marine Lands in Film, Collides With Superiors
A military spokesman is silenced after candid comments
in a movie on Al Jazeera and Iraq war.

By Mark Mazzetti Los Angeles Times Staff Writer Aug. 2 2004


WASHINGTON — For most of the central figures in the documentary film "Control Room," the grisly images that emerged from last year's U.S. invasion of Iraq were no cause for a change of opinion.

Over the length of the film, director Jehane Noujaim's inside look at the war through the eyes and lenses of Al Jazeera's journalists based at US Central Command headquarters in Doha, Qatar, the chasm only widens between the US military officials who speak about the "liberation" of Iraq and the Al Jazeera reporters skeptical of the invasion.

The exception is a young Marine lieutenant named Josh Rushing.

Rushing, a Central Command spokesman assigned to escort the documentary makers during their time in Qatar, is among the film's most sympathetic characters, portrayed as a thoughtful young man moved over time by the grim reality of war.

At no point is he shown doubting the justness of the US effort in Iraq, yet the film documents a budding friendship between Rushing and Al Jazeera reporter Hassan Ibrahim, and moments on camera when Rushing is wrestling with the film's central themes: war, bias and the Arab world's most powerful media outlet.

The Marine's role in the film turned him into a minor celebrity among the art-house-cinema crowd. But the candid comments he made in the documentary and in interviews after its release ran afoul of his superiors in the Marine Corps, which he now plans to leave.

On camera midway through the film, Rushing spoke of being disturbed that footage Al Jazeera, an Arabic-language satellite television channel, broadcast of civilian Iraqi casualties had not affected him as much as images shown the following night of dead American soldiers.

"It upset me on a profound level that I wasn't bothered as much the night before," Rushing said. "It makes me hate war. But it doesn't make me believe we can live in a world without war yet."

Rushing, now a captain assigned to the Marine Corps Motion Picture and Television Liaison office in Los Angeles, has been prohibited from giving any more interviews about his part in the film.

Marine officials at the Pentagon have even asked Rushing to keep his wife, Paige, from giving interviews after she made comments critical of how the military handled her husband's situation. Because of this, several of Rushing's friends say the 31-year-old Marine plans to leave the military in October.

Rushing declined to be interviewed for this article. His situation has angered many in the military public affairs community who say Rushing has been a passionate spokesman for the US armed forces and is being punished for appearing in a film that portrays Al Jazeera — a bete noire of the Bush administration since the Sept. 11 attacks — in a positive light.

"Here's a guy who represents the very best of public affairs in the Marines," says a senior military official who worked with Rushing at Central Command, speaking on condition of anonymity. "For whatever reason, it didn't play well with some of the senior brass in the Marine Corps at Pentagon. They're losing one of their finest."

A 14-year veteran, Rushing enlisted in the Marine Corps in 1990. After serving nine years, he entered the University of Texas on an ROTC scholarship and earned a dual degree in classics and ancient history. This background, Rushing's friends said, gave him a more nuanced view of the Arab world and its attitudes about the West.

"It benefits Al Jazeera to play to Arab nationalism because that's their audience, just like [the Fox News Channel] plays to American patriotism, for the exact same reason — American nationalism — because that's their demographic audience and that's what they want to see," Rushing says at one point during the documentary.

For their part, Marine officials said their problem was not with what Rushing said in the film, but with comments he made after the film was released and received international attention. Some suggested he did not understand his role as an officer.

"He did a few interviews that indicated he might not know what his lane is," said Lt. Col. Stephen Kay, deputy director of Marine Corps public affairs at the Pentagon. "He was way too far in the opinion realm."

One of the articles Kay cited appeared in the Village Voice in May. "People don't understand what a complex organization Al Jazeera is," the article quotes Rushing as saying. "They say it's all Islamists, or Baathists, or Arab nationalists. You have all that, but you have really progressive voices too. Al Jazeera shows it all. It turns your stomach, and you remember there's something wrong with war."

This is a far different picture of Al Jazeera from the one normally described by top US officials. Since the Sept. 11 attacks, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld has denounced the network from the Pentagon podium, calling it a mouthpiece for Al Qaeda and a vehicle of anti-American propaganda.

"We have been lied about, day after day, week after week, month after month for the last 12 months in the Arab press," Rumsfeld said recently after news of the Abu Ghraib scandal broke, specifically citing Al Jazeera and the newer and less influential Al Arabiya channel, based in Dubai.

Kay argued that because Rushing was no longer posted at Central Command, it was not appropriate for him to give interviews about a project he worked on during his old job.

Kay confirmed, however, that he recently sent an e-mail to Rushing asking the Marine to talk to his wife about not giving interviews.
"I did tell him that he could control that if he wanted to. I asked him to consider it," Kay said.

According to several officers assigned to Central Command during last year's invasion of Iraq, Rushing was directed to help the documentary team making "Control Room" in part because he was lowest in the pecking order of public affairs officers in Doha.
"We thought it was just a school project," said one officer who worked with Rushing at Central Command, speaking on condition of anonymity. "And Josh, being the first lieutenant that he was, was assigned to deal with these folks."

In fact, the film has had an effect far exceeding the expectations of the officers at Central Command. Filmed on a shoestring budget and already banking $1.7 million at the box office domestically since its May release, "Control Room" presented a behind-the-curtain look at the Arab world's first big experiment in breaking free from state-sponsored media.

"Al Jazeera has become far more powerful than any Arab leader," said director Noujaim. "A Bedouin can hook up a satellite dish to his truck and watch. They can affect change like no other force in the Arab world has been able to."

According to Noujaim, it was only after Rushing's superiors assigned him to help the film — and the crew got to know him — that they realized the Marine officer would become a central figure in the documentary.

"He turned into a main character because of his personality," the director said. "Josh is a smart, very articulate and intelligent person."

Regardless of what happened a year ago, Kay said the Marine Corps didn't want a Marine so intimately involved in promoting "Control Room."

"I didn't want the production company to use a US Marine Corps captain to promote the documentary," Kay said. "This was my decision as his superior."

Critics of the Marine Corps' handling of the situation point out that the Marines have historically been the most aggressive branch of the armed forces in promoting itself on the silver screen — at least for select films. The mission of the Los Angeles office where Rushing now works is to advance image of Marines in Hollywood. The Marines have worked closely with movies and television shows, including the Nicolas Cage film "Windtalkers" and the Fox reality series "Boot Camp."

"This movie has it all," said a 2002 Marine Corps news release about "Windtalkers" — the story of Navajos who used their native language to encode messages during World War II — adding that the movie was historically correct "down to the smallest detail."
As for Rushing, friends and associates say the Marine has yet to figure out his plans for life after the military.

"I think it's too bad for the Marines he's moving on," Noujaim said. "He convinced a lot of skeptical people in the Arab press that there are those in the US military coming from the right place."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Copyright 2004 Los Angeles Times
Army, 'Fahrenheit' distributors in row

LOS ANGELES, California (Reuters) August 16, 2004 -- Just in case anti-Bush documentary "Fahrenheit 9/11" needed any more controversy to fuel its hot box office, a new war of words broke out Friday over whether the US Army is stonewalling efforts to book the film at military bases.

But the organization that orders films for the 160 base theaters countered that it was the distributors -- Fellowship Adventure Group, IFC Films and Lions Gate Films -- that had the problem and noted they plan to stock base stores with the film's DVDs when they are released.

The movie, made by Oscar-winning director Michael Moore, has grossed over $113 million at domestic box offices and such a blockbuster would be routinely, and quickly, ordered up by the military.

But the movie presents a scathing view of President Bush's drive to war in Iraq, and it paints an unflattering view of the conduct of some US military personnel -- though many of the men and women fighting in Iraq are depicted as compassionate and caring.

Moore has made no secret of the fact he wants Bush ousted from office, and the film is undoubtedly anti-war.
"We have made all requested materials available to them, but unfortunately, a commitment to show the film has not been made," a Lions Gate spokeswoman said.

A spokesman for Fellowship Adventure Group claimed the military was stonewalling for obvious reasons.

Judd Anstey, public affairs specialist for the Army and Air Force Exchange Service which books movies for military base theaters, denied any suggestion the decision not to book the film had anything to do with its content and was solely based on business.

'Based on business'

The organization, called AAFES, is a non-appropriated government group, meaning that it is almost exclusively funded through its own ability to make money. The time between when "Fahrenheit 9/11" would be played in base theaters and when it would be sold on DVD was too short to allow it to make money, Anstey said.

"This was based on business standards," he told Reuters.

Anstey said it was only about a week ago that AAFES was told "Fahrenheit 9/11" would be available to the bases by August 16.

By that time, AAFES had already booked base theaters with movies through September 3, and with a reported DVD release date of October 5, it simply didn't think enough base personnel would show up to make the movie profitable.

"Historically, for films screened within that type of time frame, the box office is marginal," he said.

Moreover, he said, its audience size was limited because it has played in civilian theaters since June 23.

But sources within the distribution group said AAFES was first contacted in mid-July, given an availability date of August 16, and told 200 to 300 prints would be ready to go by then.

Sources at rival movie studios who asked to remain anonymous said both sides may have their points. Typically the military is fast to order up blockbuster movies that make over $100 million.

Just as typically, independent film distributors have fewer prints to ship around. With "Fahrenheit 9/11" playing so strongly, it may be that only recently the prints became available, the sources said.

The spokesman for Fellowship Adventure Group also noted that the DVD release date has yet to be official and has only been reported in the media.

Anstey said that without an official DVD release date, AAFES had to base its decision on what had been reported.
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Copyright 2004 Reuters.

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