When we think of "propaganda,"
we usually don't think of Hollywood movies glamorizing war and the military,
or of embedded war reporters with their "human interest" stories
about the brave troops, or about military recruiting on campus (recruiters,
posters, assemblies, "Job Fairs"), or the White House Office
of Communication, or the Pentagon Office of Information, or the .net
URL of the Digital Video
and Imagery Distribution.
People who say "That's not propaganda"
make the same error as those who say "advertising doesn't affect
me"-- they limit persuasion to blunt, direct statements
instead of recognizing the many subtle, indirect techniques used by all persuaders.
"PROPAGANDA" is
often used simply as a general attack word to label any
claims or charges from opponents, rivals, or critics. Here, however,
two terms are used with specific meanings:
"War propaganda," as the term is here, refers to persuasion
targeted at an internal audience: to bond one's own group, to
build morale (a belief in "being right" and in "being
able"), to get people to agree, to get involved, to incite a response,
to channel that response, and to silence internal opposition. (See:
War Propaganda )
"Psychological warfare,"
as used here, refers to persuasion designed to demoralize or
terrorize an external audience: targeted at the "Other" (the
outsider, the foe, the enemy) often by means of leaflet drops, radio
and TV broadcasts, and rumors.
Hollywood & War Movies
David Robb, Operation
Hollywood (2004) is the most recent and detailed documentation (with official
correspondence, photocopied documents, script notes, and interviews) of how the
Pentagon film "liaison" office exerts great influence on the images
of the military as seen in American movies during the past 50 years.
Movie-makers are certainly free to make films without Pentagon approval, but
they do need approval if they want to get any military cooperation: that is,
the free or low cost use of any troops, weapons, planes, ships, location settings.
Pentagon approval requires that a movie "enhances recruiting and retention"
of military personnel. If movie producers don't want to submit to the Pentagon
approval process, then "they can either make their own props, or they can
rent very expensive military-style weapons and equipment from a handful of Hollywood
prop houses."
Realistically, this may increase the production cost by millions of dollars,
so most movie producers are willing to save money and to let the Pentagon's
"Technical Advisors" have script approval --primarily a matter of
omission -- deleting from the script, or editing out any scenes, characters,
dialogue, or language which does not "create a positive impression of the
military and its capabilities." Robb's book documents this "script
approval process" in scores of actual movies, but there's no way to estimate
the amount of prior self-censorship involved by Hollywood writers who knew that
some concepts would not be approved.
See also: Lawrence Suid,
Guts and Glory (2002) Amazon Book Description: "Guts
and Glory: The Making of the American Military Image in Film is the
definitive study of the symbiotic relationship between the film industry and
the United States armed services. Since the first edition was published nearly
two decades ago, the nation has experienced several wars, both on the battlefield
and in movie theaters and living rooms at home. Now author Lawrence Suid has
extensively revised and expanded his classic history of the mutual exploitation
of the film industry and the military, exploring how Hollywood has reflected
and effected changes in Americas image of its armed services."
Jeanine Basinger, The
World War II Combat Film (1986, 2003 ed.) a major academic study analyzing
the patterns and the conventions within over 1,000 films about WW2. (Most people
can recognize the overt bluntness of such films produced during wartime, romanticizing
the warriors, as part of a homefront morale building effort. But, post-1950s
Pentagon influence has been more indirect and subtle, and few in the audience
are aware of the systematic process of Pentagon approval.)
This Pentagon concern for controlling "image" still remains a high
priority: for example, the 2004 documentary film "Control Room"--
about the inner operations and reporting of Al Jazeera Arab TV
("A military spokesman is silenced after candid comments in a movie on
Al Jazeera and Iraq war"):"Lt. Josh Rushing, a Central Command
spokesman assigned to escort the documentary makers during their time in Qatar,
is among the film's most sympathetic characters, portrayed as a thoughtful young
man moved over time by the grim reality of war. At no point is he shown doubting
the justness of the U.S. effort in Iraq, yet the film documents a budding friendship
between Rushing and Al Jazeera reporter Hassan Ibrahim, and moments on camera
when Rushing is wrestling with the film's central themes: war, bias and the
Arab world's most powerful media outlet.... "
Concurrently, in a situation of "plausible deniability," the military's
film distribution system denied it was "stonewalling" and said its
refusal to distribute Michael Moore's controversial documentary, Fahrenheit
411, at theaters within military bases was due to "business
reasons."
Marine Lands in Film,
Collides With Superiors
A military spokesman is silenced after candid comments
in a movie on Al Jazeera and Iraq war.
By Mark Mazzetti Los Angeles Times Staff Writer Aug. 2 2004
WASHINGTON For most of the central figures in the documentary film "Control
Room," the grisly images that emerged from last year's U.S. invasion of Iraq
were no cause for a change of opinion.
Over the length of the film, director Jehane Noujaim's inside look at the war
through the eyes and lenses of Al Jazeera's journalists based at US Central Command
headquarters in Doha, Qatar, the chasm only widens between the US military officials
who speak about the "liberation" of Iraq and the Al Jazeera reporters
skeptical of the invasion.
The exception is a young Marine lieutenant named Josh Rushing.
Rushing, a Central Command spokesman assigned to escort the documentary makers
during their time in Qatar, is among the film's most sympathetic characters, portrayed
as a thoughtful young man moved over time by the grim reality of war.
At no point is he shown doubting the justness of the US effort in Iraq, yet the
film documents a budding friendship between Rushing and Al Jazeera reporter Hassan
Ibrahim, and moments on camera when Rushing is wrestling with the film's central
themes: war, bias and the Arab world's most powerful media outlet.
The Marine's role in the film turned him into a minor celebrity among the art-house-cinema
crowd. But the candid comments he made in the documentary and in interviews after
its release ran afoul of his superiors in the Marine Corps, which he now plans
to leave.
On camera midway through the film, Rushing spoke of being disturbed that footage
Al Jazeera, an Arabic-language satellite television channel, broadcast of civilian
Iraqi casualties had not affected him as much as images shown the following night
of dead American soldiers.
"It upset me on a profound level that I wasn't bothered as much the night
before," Rushing said. "It makes me hate war. But it doesn't make me
believe we can live in a world without war yet."
Rushing, now a captain assigned to the Marine Corps Motion Picture and Television
Liaison office in Los Angeles, has been prohibited from giving any more interviews
about his part in the film.
Marine officials at the Pentagon have even asked Rushing to keep his wife, Paige,
from giving interviews after she made comments critical of how the military handled
her husband's situation. Because of this, several of Rushing's friends say the
31-year-old Marine plans to leave the military in October.
Rushing declined to be interviewed for this article. His situation has angered
many in the military public affairs community who say Rushing has been a passionate
spokesman for the US armed forces and is being punished for appearing in a film
that portrays Al Jazeera a bete noire of the Bush administration since
the Sept. 11 attacks in a positive light.
"Here's a guy who represents the very best of public affairs in the Marines,"
says a senior military official who worked with Rushing at Central Command, speaking
on condition of anonymity. "For whatever reason, it didn't play well with
some of the senior brass in the Marine Corps at Pentagon. They're losing one of
their finest."
A 14-year veteran, Rushing enlisted in the Marine Corps in 1990. After serving
nine years, he entered the University of Texas on an ROTC scholarship and earned
a dual degree in classics and ancient history. This background, Rushing's friends
said, gave him a more nuanced view of the Arab world and its attitudes about the
West.
"It benefits Al Jazeera to play to Arab nationalism because that's their
audience, just like [the Fox News Channel] plays to American patriotism, for the
exact same reason American nationalism because that's their demographic
audience and that's what they want to see," Rushing says at one point during
the documentary.
For their part, Marine officials said their problem was not with what Rushing
said in the film, but with comments he made after the film was released and received
international attention. Some suggested he did not understand his role as an officer.
"He did a few interviews that indicated he might not know what his lane is,"
said Lt. Col. Stephen Kay, deputy director of Marine Corps public affairs at the
Pentagon. "He was way too far in the opinion realm."
One of the articles Kay cited appeared in the Village Voice in May. "People
don't understand what a complex organization Al Jazeera is," the article
quotes Rushing as saying. "They say it's all Islamists, or Baathists, or
Arab nationalists. You have all that, but you have really progressive voices too.
Al Jazeera shows it all. It turns your stomach, and you remember there's something
wrong with war."
This is a far different picture of Al Jazeera from the one normally described
by top US officials. Since the Sept. 11 attacks, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld
has denounced the network from the Pentagon podium, calling it a mouthpiece for
Al Qaeda and a vehicle of anti-American propaganda.
"We have been lied about, day after day, week after week, month after month
for the last 12 months in the Arab press," Rumsfeld said recently after news
of the Abu Ghraib scandal broke, specifically citing Al Jazeera and the newer
and less influential Al Arabiya channel, based in Dubai.
Kay argued that because Rushing was no longer posted at Central Command, it was
not appropriate for him to give interviews about a project he worked on during
his old job.
Kay confirmed, however, that he recently sent an e-mail to Rushing asking the
Marine to talk to his wife about not giving interviews.
"I did tell him that he could control that if he wanted to. I asked him to
consider it," Kay said.
According to several officers assigned to Central Command during last year's invasion
of Iraq, Rushing was directed to help the documentary team making "Control
Room" in part because he was lowest in the pecking order of public affairs
officers in Doha.
"We thought it was just a school project," said one officer who worked
with Rushing at Central Command, speaking on condition of anonymity. "And
Josh, being the first lieutenant that he was, was assigned to deal with these
folks."
In fact, the film has had an effect far exceeding the expectations of the officers
at Central Command. Filmed on a shoestring budget and already banking $1.7 million
at the box office domestically since its May release, "Control Room"
presented a behind-the-curtain look at the Arab world's first big experiment in
breaking free from state-sponsored media.
"Al Jazeera has become far more powerful than any Arab leader," said
director Noujaim. "A Bedouin can hook up a satellite dish to his truck and
watch. They can affect change like no other force in the Arab world has been able
to."
According to Noujaim, it was only after Rushing's superiors assigned him to help
the film and the crew got to know him that they realized the Marine
officer would become a central figure in the documentary.
"He turned into a main character because of his personality," the director
said. "Josh is a smart, very articulate and intelligent person."
Regardless of what happened a year ago, Kay said the Marine Corps didn't want
a Marine so intimately involved in promoting "Control Room."
"I didn't want the production company to use a US Marine Corps captain to
promote the documentary," Kay said. "This was my decision as his superior."
Critics of the Marine Corps' handling of the situation point out that the Marines
have historically been the most aggressive branch of the armed forces in promoting
itself on the silver screen at least for select films. The mission of the
Los Angeles office where Rushing now works is to advance image of Marines in Hollywood.
The Marines have worked closely with movies and television shows, including the
Nicolas Cage film "Windtalkers" and the Fox reality series "Boot
Camp."
"This movie has it all," said a 2002 Marine Corps news release about
"Windtalkers" the story of Navajos who used their native language
to encode messages during World War II adding that the movie was historically
correct "down to the smallest detail."
As for Rushing, friends and associates say the Marine has yet to figure out his
plans for life after the military.
"I think it's too bad for the Marines he's moving on," Noujaim said.
"He convinced a lot of skeptical people in the Arab press that there are
those in the US military coming from the right place."
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Copyright 2004 Los Angeles Times
Army, 'Fahrenheit' distributors
in row
LOS ANGELES, California (Reuters) August 16, 2004 -- Just in case anti-Bush
documentary "Fahrenheit 9/11" needed any more controversy to fuel
its hot box office, a new war of words broke out Friday over whether the US
Army is stonewalling efforts to book the film at military bases.
But the organization that orders films for the 160 base theaters countered that
it was the distributors -- Fellowship Adventure Group, IFC Films and Lions Gate
Films -- that had the problem and noted they plan to stock base stores with
the film's DVDs when they are released.
The movie, made by Oscar-winning director Michael Moore, has grossed over $113
million at domestic box offices and such a blockbuster would be routinely, and
quickly, ordered up by the military.
But the movie presents a scathing view of President Bush's drive to war in Iraq,
and it paints an unflattering view of the conduct of some US military personnel
-- though many of the men and women fighting in Iraq are depicted as compassionate
and caring.
Moore has made no secret of the fact he wants Bush ousted from office, and the
film is undoubtedly anti-war.
"We have made all requested materials available to them, but unfortunately,
a commitment to show the film has not been made," a Lions Gate spokeswoman
said.
A spokesman for Fellowship Adventure Group claimed the military was stonewalling
for obvious reasons.
Judd Anstey, public affairs specialist for the Army and Air Force Exchange Service
which books movies for military base theaters, denied any suggestion the decision
not to book the film had anything to do with its content and was solely based
on business.
'Based on business'
The organization, called AAFES, is a non-appropriated government group, meaning
that it is almost exclusively funded through its own ability to make money.
The time between when "Fahrenheit 9/11" would be played in base theaters
and when it would be sold on DVD was too short to allow it to make money, Anstey
said.
"This was based on business standards," he told Reuters.
Anstey said it was only about a week ago that AAFES was told "Fahrenheit
9/11" would be available to the bases by August 16.
By that time, AAFES had already booked base theaters with movies through September
3, and with a reported DVD release date of October 5, it simply didn't think
enough base personnel would show up to make the movie profitable.
"Historically, for films screened within that type of time frame, the box
office is marginal," he said.
Moreover, he said, its audience size was limited because it has played in civilian
theaters since June 23.
But sources within the distribution group said AAFES was first contacted in
mid-July, given an availability date of August 16, and told 200 to 300 prints
would be ready to go by then.
Sources at rival movie studios who asked to remain anonymous said both sides
may have their points. Typically the military is fast to order up blockbuster
movies that make over $100 million.
Just as typically, independent film distributors have fewer prints to ship around.
With "Fahrenheit 9/11" playing so strongly, it may be that only recently
the prints became available, the sources said.
The spokesman for Fellowship Adventure Group also noted that the DVD release
date has yet to be official and has only been reported in the media.
Anstey said that without an official DVD release date, AAFES had to base its
decision on what had been reported.
------------------------
Copyright 2004 Reuters.
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